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“The main reason EU productivity diverged from the US in the mid-1990s was Europe’s failure to capitalise on the first digital revolution led by the internet — both in terms of generating new tech companies and diffusing digital tech into the economy. In fact, if we exclude the tech sector, EU productivity growth over the past 20 years would be broadly at par with the US.” This passage from Mario Draghi’s report on European competitiveness factors to a core a part of the agenda for the EU’s future.
Nonetheless important, that is simply one of many strategic financial challenges the EU confronts. Others embrace vitality vulnerability, the inexperienced transition and the rise of protectionism. Draghi supplies each a framework and solutions for the right way to reply. This can embrace extra interventionist commerce and industrial insurance policies. The problem is to make these insurance policies focused and smart.
Within the defence industries, as an illustration, the case for constructing on the instance of Airbus appears robust. In contrast with the US, the European defence sector is just too fragmented. Cross-border mergers would look like important.
Not dissimilar issues exist in banking, capital markets and vitality provide. For various causes, governments are refusing to permit a lot wanted cross-border integration. This largely displays nationalist politics and particular pursuits. In consequence, regulatory obstacles persist. Fortunately, the historical past of the EU exhibits that such obstacles may be overcome with political will. However will that can ever be forthcoming?
The shift to “clean tech” within the vehicle and vitality sectors is a extra advanced problem. Because the Draghi report notes: “Owing to a fast pace of innovation, low manufacturing costs and state subsidies four times higher than in other major economies, [China] is now dominating global exports of clean technologies.” This creates each alternatives for accelerated adoption of latest applied sciences, but additionally disruption for necessary EU industries and the chance that they are going to be locked out of elements of the provision chain, corresponding to batteries, as a result of they lack entry to vital uncooked supplies. In all, intervention is inevitable. Commerce legislation additionally permits it. Intervening successfully is one other matter. However, achieved with care, it must be doable.
The digital revolution is one other matter once more. It will be ludicrous to think about that investing in “EU champion” variations of Google, Microsoft, Apple or Nvidia would work. Nor would customary commerce measures assist: how might one hinder Google searches with out introducing Chinese language-style restrictions? Nor does it appear believable that funds are unavailable for enticing tech alternatives, although reform of capital markets ought to assist to construct a much bigger EU enterprise capital trade. However the truth that enterprise capital funding within the EU was a mere fifth of that within the US in 2023 just isn’t because of a scarcity of financial savings within the EU. It is because of a failure to create the required expertise ecosystem. (See charts.)
So, why has that occurred? It isn’t that the EU lacks the folks. Knowledgeable commentators argue that it’s largely because of overregulation. Two kinds of regulation are essential: regulation of the tech sector particularly and wider regulation of the financial system, particularly the labour market, that significantly impacts unpredictable new ventures. In case you can’t hearth, you’ll not rent and so you’ll go elsewhere.
The well-known tech skilled Andrew McAfee of MIT has made a robust critique of EU coverage. He agrees that the state of the EU tech trade is dire. However the issue just isn’t lack of cash: EU governments spend a lot the identical quantity (and share of GDP) on supporting analysis and improvement because the US federal authorities. Sure, the previous is fragmented amongst member states. However that isn’t the primary downside, he argues: “It’s governmental intervention in that ecosystem not with funding, but with laws and regulations, and other constraints, restrictions, and burdens on companies.”
The tech coverage analyst Adam Thierer elaborates the purpose: “Several recent studies”, he notes, “have documented the costs associated with the GDPR [General Data Protection Regulation] and the EU’s heavy-handed approach to data flows more generally.” This imposes heavy prices on revolutionary corporations and, inevitably, the smaller the agency, the larger the implicit tax. Given this, in addition to the fragmented EU markets, it’s little marvel that the US is thus far forward.
A paper by Oliver Coste and Yann Coatanlem, revealed by Bocconi College in Milan, makes one other necessary and nonetheless broader level about regulation: new and dynamic firms have to have the ability to regulate their prices shortly within the mild of market developments. Thus, word the authors, the prices of restructuring, largely the results of employment safety regulation, are basic. The dearer it’s to restructure, the extra cautious the corporate. Cumulatively, such protections are crippling. The UK’s Labour authorities ought to word this potential hazard of their plans.
Draghi agrees that regulation is an enormous situation. Thus, he notes, “the EU’s extensive and stringent regulatory environment (exemplified by policies based on the precautionary principle) may, as a side effect, restrain innovation. EU companies face higher restructuring costs compared to their US peers, which places them in a position of huge disadvantage in highly innovative sectors characterised by the winner-takes-most dynamics.” He even recommends a brand new “commission vice-president for simplification”. Good luck with that strategy.
The difficulty is somewhat philosophical and political. The EU must discover a strategy to regulate the tech sector that doesn’t concurrently throttle its progress. Doing that shall be an enormous problem.